Second Chen Term Sets Stage For Military Confrontation with China

by Paul Denlinger

Posted March 22, 2004

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The narrow and contested victory of Chen Shui-bian as Taiwan's president sets the stage for a military confrontation with China in the coming four years, as the window for Taiwan independence closes, and as China prepares for the Beijing 2008 Olympics.

Chen's narrow victory of 30,000 votes was largely ascribed to a sympathy vote after the attempted assassination made on his life in Tainan on the evening of March 19. Guomindang (Kuomintang) critics have charged that the assassination attempt was staged; Chen was not driven to the nearest hospital, instead he was driven to Chi-mei hospital which is known for sympathies to his DPP (pro-independence) policies. On the day of the elections, all police and military were put on alert and not allowed to vote. The Guomindang argues that this move cost them 200,000 votes, as the police and military are largely pro-Nationalist.

In a rebuttal of his policies, Chen's referendums did not pass. During the past four years, Chen has performed poorly on economic policy and relations with China. This raises the question; what does he want to accomplish in the next four years?

Chen has stated that his goal is to revise the old 1948 Republic of China constitution, and replace it with a new 2006 Taiwan constitution which would then go into effect in 2008. This move would formalize the break with China, and would make Taiwan an independent nation which is not a part of China.

Chen's gamble is that Beijing will not choose to attack Taiwan while the world's attention is focused on the Beijing Olympics, which the Chinese leadership sees as an unprecedented opportunity to show China as a modern developed country. Some Chinese officials have warned that China is willing to sacrifice the Olympics over the issue of Taiwan.

While Chen is democratically elected, like his predecessor Lee Teng-huei, he has autocratic tendencies, and tends to push forward his policies regardless of opposition domestically, and from China and the US. Domestically, he will wait for the opposition to cool down, and then will put forward his proposed changes.

Chen needs to make his formal independence moves now, while pro-Taiwan independece sentiment is strong, especially in southern and central Taiwan, and before China's economic power becomes so great that formal opposition becomes meaningless.

He is also counting on the US coming in to support a formal break with China, and is currying the favor of conservative members of the US congress to get their support, so that when the time comes, the US will commit military force. In spite of pressure from the Bush administration to buy modern weapons from the US, Chen has avoided doing so, and has told his domestic supporters that he is confident that he will be able to bring the US in to militarily support Taiwan's independence move. This converges with the current distrust and fear of China in the US, which is seen taking away American manufacturing and service jobs.

While Chen has won the election, he does not have the support, for the most part, of Taiwan's business community, especially those with a strong manufacturing presence. During the next few years, there will be moves by many Taiwan businesses to move their operations, and even headquarters, out of Taiwan, and increasing their presence in China. This will lead to a faster hollowing out of the Taiwan economy.

Taiwan's stock market depends on a special government reserve when it goes down to maintain stability. As the market goes down, the government will use this reserve more frequently to finance Chen's high-risk policies. Inevitably, this will mean that the tax base in Taiwan will get smaller, and those businesses which remain in Taiwan will be taxed at a higher rate.

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